If the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) decide to revive their alliance ahead of the 2027 Punjab Assembly elections, the move could create a significant political shift in the state. However, bringing the two parties together after nearly six years of separation may not be as straightforward as it appears. While an alliance could help consolidate their respective political strengths, managing internal aspirations, competing leaderships and constituency-level rivalries could emerge as major challenges for both organisations.
The biggest challenge could be deciding who gets to contest which constituency. During their earlier alliance, the SAD contested 94 Assembly seats, while the BJP contested 23. However, the political landscape has changed considerably since their separation in September 2020. Both parties have spent the intervening years expanding their independent political presence, strengthening local leadership and preparing their respective organisations for electoral battles.
If an alliance is formed, the BJP may seek a substantially larger share of the 117 Assembly constituencies, having expanded its political ambitions in Punjab. The SAD, however, would also be reluctant to surrender constituencies where it has traditionally maintained a strong presence. This could make seat-sharing negotiations particularly complicated.
One of the most interesting aspects of a possible reunion is the movement of leaders between the two parties since their separation. Several prominent Akali leaders joined the BJP, while some former BJP leaders moved to the SAD.
Manjinder Singh Sirsa, a former Akali leader and Rajouri Garden MLA, joined the BJP in December 2021. Ravikaran Singh Kahlon, who contested the 2022 Assembly elections on an SAD ticket from Dera Baba Nanak, joined the BJP in May 2024. Jagdeep Singh Cheema, another former Akali leader, joined the BJP in October 2025.
On the other side, former BJP minister Anil Joshi joined the SAD in August 2021 after differences with the BJP over the farmers’ agitation. He had represented Amritsar North as a BJP MLA and subsequently contested the 2022 Assembly elections on an SAD ticket from the same constituency. Joshi resigned from the SAD in November 2024 before rejoining the party in June 2025.
These political movements could create an interesting situation if the two parties reunite. Leaders who left one organisation to join the other may now find themselves working alongside their former colleagues, while both sides will have to decide how to accommodate their political ambitions.
The BJP has spent the past six years attempting to build an independent political organisation across Punjab. Its traditional leaders and workers have worked to strengthen the party in constituencies where it earlier depended on the SAD’s support.
However, several former Akali leaders have also joined the BJP during this period. If the alliance is revived, the party could face a difficult choice between accommodating experienced former Akali leaders and protecting the political ambitions of its existing leadership.
According to internal BJP sources, the party is assessing its electoral prospects across Punjab ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections. The party is also reportedly considering a large pool of potential candidates across the 117 constituencies. If the BJP enters an alliance with the SAD, accommodating these aspirants could become a major challenge. If the BJP enters an alliance with the SAD and agrees to a limited seat-sharing arrangement, accommodating such a large pool of ticket aspirants could become a major challenge. Several leaders who have spent the past six years strengthening the BJP’s independent presence may find their political ambitions affected, particularly if their constituencies are allocated to the Akali Dal. This could create dissatisfaction within the party and make candidate selection one of the most difficult aspects of a possible alliance.
For instance, if a former Akali leader expects a ticket from a constituency where an established BJP leader has also been preparing for the election, the leadership will have to decide whose claim takes priority. Such decisions could lead to dissatisfaction, factionalism and even rebellion among ticket aspirants.
The Akali Dal would not be immune to these complications. Leaders who joined the SAD from the BJP may expect political recognition and opportunities in the 2027 elections. At the same time, established Akali leaders who have remained loyal to the party may resist any arrangement that reduces their chances of receiving tickets.
Anil Joshi’s political journey provides an example of how a former BJP leader can bring an established constituency-level presence into the SAD. If the alliance is revived, similar competing claims could emerge in constituencies where both organisations have influential leaders.
The SAD leadership would have to balance the interests of its traditional political base with those of leaders who joined after the alliance broke down.
Another major challenge could emerge at the grassroots level. For almost six years, BJP and SAD workers have operated independently and, in several constituencies, contested against each other.
During this period, both organisations have developed separate local leadership structures, political networks and support bases.
If an alliance is announced, workers who previously campaigned against each other would be expected to support the same candidate. In constituencies where the BJP gets the ticket, SAD workers would have to campaign for the BJP candidate, while BJP workers would have to support SAD nominees in constituencies allocated to the Akali Dal.